Over
the course of time, the institution of marriage has been defined and redefined,
and as such the presentation, portrayal and perception of marriage in the media
has changed over time. The proposition that marriage has been repositioned
implies that marriage is a historical concept and guided by subjectivity i.e.
the customs that guide the institution of marriage for one group of persons may
completely differ from what guides another group.
Despite
the acknowledged subjectivity on what constitutes the principles guiding the
institute of marriage, experts have buttressed the fact that across cultures,
when defining what marriage entails, there are some staple expectations from
this institute… “In most societies there is an expectation of relative
permanence, co residence, a division of labor, sharing of resources, a sexual
relationship, procreation and cooperation in child bearing and training”
(Hendrix, 1996: 173). Literature by Ayisi (1997) reiterates this describing
marriage as “the means by which a man and woman come together to form a union
for the purpose of procreation”.
Africa
as a continent and Nigeria specifically, are much grounded in culture, and, the
process for legalizing marriages must satisfy these expectations which are
specific to the culture within which the marriage is to be recognized. As
stated by Ayisi (1997:9) “…for every marriage to be legal, certain requirements
have to be fulfilled, and it should be preceded by certain customary
observances”. Where people are governed by only one set of guiding principles,
the process is relatively simple, however, Nigeria is a country of numerous
cultures and, following the colonization and independence thereafter, the
process of legalizing certain institutions, such as marriage, became even more
complex. This process has been documented through various media forms and, for
the purpose of this essay, I will be using one of the three major tribes within
Nigeria (Igbo) as a representation of Africa’s presentation, portrayal and
perception of marriage.
The
marriage process within the tribe of the Igbos happens in several stages and is
generally referred to as the “Igba Nkwu”.
During the courtship period, the
relationship is not officially recognized as legitimate until the proposed
groom shows interest by making his intentions known to the bride’s family. The
process begins with The Visit and First Formal Introduction where the groom,
usually accompanied by his father and two kinsmen makes his way to the bride’s
home where he is received by the bride’s parents who ask him to state the
purpose of his visit. Upon stating his interest in their daughters hand in
marriage, the daughter is called out to either accept or reject this proposal.
A positive response from the daughter means the process progresses to the
second stage while a rejection of the proposal means the process is terminated.
This process is so eloquently captured in the eighth chapter of the classic
novel Things Fall Apart by Chinua
Achebe, where Akueke’s suitor,
accompanied by his father makes his way to her family home to make his
intentions known. The Second Introduction is more extensive than the first and
involves more people who are considered to have been significant in the
upbringing of both the bride and groom. These groups of people who are referred
to as the Umunna are the extended
family and kinsmen of the now betrothed. As the saying goes “it takes a whole
village to raise a child” therefore the Umunna
within the bride’s community must also have a say in who takes her as a wife. This
is the stage at which the bride price and the list are discussed. The list is
usually determined by the Umunna and comprises of some standard items such as
yam tubers, palm wine, kola nut etc. While there is a minimum standard which
cannot be under fulfilled, there is no level of giving that is considered as too
much. This process is captured where Obierika extends an invitation to Okonkwo
who was not a part of the first formal meeting, to join him as part of the
Umunna who were to oversee the dealings with the Umunna of the groom’s family. …
"My
daughter's suitor is coming today and I hope we will clinch the matter of the
bride-price. I want you to be there." (Chinua Achebe, 1958). The bride
price however is solely determined by the parents of the betrothed who have a
separate conversation to that held in the presence of the Umunna. Upon payment
of the agreed amount, the Igba Nkwu which
is regarded as the most important marriage rites any Igbo couple should perform
is the final phase of the nuptials. This celebration usually takes place in the
bride’s compound or any location determined by the bride’s family where the
couple, having fulfilled all the necessary traditional requirements is publicly
celebrated and presented to the community as man and wife. As recognized by
Hendrix (1998, 734), some of these processes can be generalized across Africa
E.g. the bride price is one of the “defining aspects of African marriages” and
full payment of the stated amount transfers certain privileges and rights from
the family of the bride to the groom.
While
the Igbo traditional marriage requirements discussed thus far have displayed
some similarities to many other traditional customs within Africa such as that
of the Kenyans (Mbiti, 1969), it is important to point out some key differences
which have not been represented thus far. Arranged marriages still exist within
certain parts of Africa and this is the case for a number of reasons such as
that highlighted by Ayisi (1997, 7) where he points out that “…African
marriages are affected for” the purpose of childbearing and “…a childless
marriage” is therefore deemed “meaningless”. It therefore follows that “…in
some parts of Africa, parents choose marriage partners for their children even
before they are born in order to ensure that they do get someone to marry”
(Mbiti, 1969:107) and achieve the objective of procreation. Another possibility
is that these marriages are arranged to strengthen ties between families which
already have an established relationship with each other. Affection is
therefore given the backseat and factors as important as input from the
proposed bride and groom having a say in who they are paired with as life
partners is undermined however, some couples even in todays “modernized Africa”
are very open to the practice of arranged marriages and are happy in these
relationships. This practice is still quite common amongst the Hausa tribe of
Nigeria and in some cases, the Igbos.
In
the precolonial era, the customs highlighted above would have been enough to
legitimize the relationship between a man and woman however, colonialization
brought about what some consider the dilution of the African culture and with
the introduction of new religious and legal belief systems, the principles and
the customs guiding the institution of marriage were also adjusted to account
for this. “All across Africa,
traditional cultural weddings are dying out with the influx and normalization
of the so-called White Western wedding” (Africanholacaust.net, 2015)
This
has birthed what one may consider a complex process towards legitimizing the
relationship between a man and woman where marriages within Africa now seem to
happen in three folds; The Traditional Marriage which ensures that all
traditional customs are fulfilled and the marriage is indeed recognized in the
eyes of the traditional system, The Court Marriage which ensures that in the
eyes of the national legal system, the marriage is recognized as legitimate and
of course the Church wedding which ensures that in the eyes of the religious
beliefs introduced to the system by means of colonialism, the marriage is also
legitimized. There are some similarities between the traditional practices and
that of the Church wedding; firstly, there is a courting period where the
couple gets to know one another. Secondly, progress of the marriage is
dependent on the ladies’ consent being given. Thirdly and as earlier stated,
there are some standard expectations such as “permanence, co residence, a
division of labor, sharing of resources, a sexual relationship, procreation and
cooperation in child bearing and training” (Hendrix, 1996: 173). The major
difference is that in the case of the church wedding, it is more of a decision
between the couple and very little lies with the community as in the case of
the Umunna within the tradition of the Igbos. Another major difference is the
religious beliefs and the Supreme Being before which the commitments are being
made.
It
is important to note that this essay speaks broadly about a complex topic which
is subject to the couple’s personal preferences and religious beliefs
therefore, while this is the case in most situations, it varies from person to
person.
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